The goal-setting motive of our world online congress is the actualization of discussion on multipolarity on a European scale.
Speech by Adam Bark at the European Conference on Multipolarity
In our struggle for the emancipation of European civilisation there is, unknown to many, a powerful instrument of geopolitical multipolarity in the heart of Europe. The Free Territory of Trieste is created by art. Article 21 of the Peace Treaty of Paris of 1947 and in acted by Resolution No 16 of the United Nations Security Council and the Italian Law 3054/52. It was thought as a necessary geopolitical equalizer in war torn Europe, representing a danger to NATO geopolitical interest; it has been under illegal occupation of Italian since 1954.
The Free Territory of Trieste is by international law demilitarized, neutral and endowed with an international free port in one of the most strategic points in all of Europe. Had international law been respected it would have been a thorn in the side of the NATO order that aspires to the geopolitical control of Europe.
Trieste is the gateway to the sea in the heart of Europe, connecting the Germanic, Italic and Slavic worlds, which has historically made it a prized strategic spot. It became known during the Austrian Empire as the “Jewel of the Empire” due to the riches generated by its free port. And despite poor management, the port of Trieste is still the largest port under Italian administration and the thirteenth busiest in Europe.
The biggest element of multipolarity is the international free port of Trieste created by Annex VIII of the Paris Peace Treaty. All nations of the world, including those not aligned with the West, have the right to access the Trieste port. This would allow Western-sanctioned countries an outlet into the European market by preventing the West from using its economic superiority as leverage to punish disobedient states.
The Peace Treaty of Paris guarantees with Article 3 of Annex VI that the Free Territory of Trieste is neutral and demilitarized. This way no country could militarily occupy the city and port and use its strategic position for its own use. By law, no armed force has the right to access the FTT except with the unanimous consent of the UN Security Council.
International law is to be surveyed by the governor nominated by the UN security council making it by definition an instrument of multipolarity representing the interest of all major powers.
But to understand the lack of application of international law and the simulation of sovereignty on the Free Territory of Trieste promoted for geopolitical reasons, we have to first take a look at history.
With the establishment of the FTT in 1947, the present Province of Trieste also formally passed under the administration of the Allied Military Government, while Zone B, which includes the present Slovenian and Croatian territory as far as Novi Grad passed under the administration of the Central Yugoslav Government.
The split between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in 1948 marked a turning point for the FTT. The Allies began to see the FTT, or rather its partition, as a way of bringing Yugoslavia under their sphere of influence. During those years of the Cold War, the Trieste Question became one of the hottest diplomatic points in all of Europe. The actual creation of the FTT would inevitably have meant an opening to the East, which is why the Soviet Union supported its creation by also financing the Communist Party of the FTT under the wing of the Italian Communist Party which became the largest party in the city.
After years of negotiations in 1954, the London Memorandum was signed, transferring the civil and temporary sub-administration of Zone A from the GMA to the Italian government and Zone B to the Yugoslav government. The new administrators were tasked with safeguarding international law in the FTT. This, of course, was from the outset ignored, as US imperialism had ordered, disguised as fake nationalism, to treat the administration as full sovereignty.
With Yugoslavia moving towards the West in the late 60s it reached an agreement with Italy in 1975 for the “division” of zones A and B. However, they had no legal right to do so as they were only administrating the zones and did not have sovereignty over them.
In the subsequent ratification of the Osimo Treaty at the UN, a note was added claiming that there may also be errors and / or theses that conflict with other treaties, finding a pro-forma way of evading the obvious illegality.
But with the emergence of the new multipolar world, the Trieste Question is far from over. In March 2019, the Italian government and Chinese President Xi Jinping signed the Commercial Memorandum of Understanding which included the port of Trieste in the Belt and Road initiative.
The signing of the Memorandum caused a huge media outcry and the American embassy protested against so-called Chinese expansionism. The Lega and 5 Star government was forced out of power a few months later and the agreements were recently overturned by the Meloni government.
China, however, managed to enter the free port of Trieste by buying via their logistic giant COSCO 24.9% the german docking firm Hamburger Hafen und Logistik AG (Hhla) and buy the the majority stake of the “Plattaforma Logistica Trieste” (Plt). By doing so they guaranteed a flow of goods to Europe, which, despite NATO propaganda, cannot be stopped.
The Russian Federation has also shown an interest in the cause of the Free Territory of Trieste. Just a month and a half after the demonstration for the FTT, President Vladimir Putin met the then Minister of the Council Enrico Letta in Trieste. Trade agreements were signed, but the choice of signing in Trieste instead of Rome where Putin had been the day prior is not a coincidence.
The nudge is also confirmed by the fact that in 2015 the Consul Shtodin officially received at the Russian Embassy in Rome a delegation representing the Free Territory of Trieste.
The local political struggle for the FTT reached its climax in 2013 with a large demonstration in Trieste of over 8,000 organized by the Free Trieste Movement. In those years, the FTT had widespread support collecting over 20,000 signatures. But as is often the case for dangerous causes, the movement soon crumbled with probable infiltrations by the Secret Service and a dozen political trials of activists.
But if on the one hand the government denies the existence of the FTT on the other hand it is always ready to grant tax privileges deriving from free points to multinationals such as British-American Tobacco and Samer Shipping citing the same Paris Peace Treaty. Laws only apply when it is convenient.
Aware of the serious threat international law in Trieste could pose, the USA and the EU are developing the so-called "Three Seas Initiative", a forum of 12 EU states with the aim of creating a cohesive geopolitical strategy, thus subjecting the port of Trieste with its strategic position to the exclusive use of NATO.
The status quo, knowing the exceptional legal situation of Trieste, has over the years thrown out all its weapons to hide the inconvenient truth. The impact of our cause therefore goes far beyond the borders of the FTT, this could possibly become the Achilles heel of the NATO bloc. In an official response to a letter in 1983 the UN stated that the topic of the FTT will be again scrutinized if any member states officially request it. Pressure must be exerted on the Italian state at a local, national and international levels so that the truth might prevail.
Cources & cycles
1-st European Conference on Multipolarity (04.09.2023)
Лекции курса: - The European Conference on Multipolarity 04.09.2023
- Speech by Maria Zakharova at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Alexander Dugin's speech at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Rainaldo Graziani at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Rainaldo Graziani at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Stefano Vernole at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Giacomo Maria Prati at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Eliseo Bertolasi at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Maurizio Murelli at the European Conference on Multipolarity read by Maria Pacini
- Speech by Marco Ghisetti at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Lorenzo Nicola Roselli at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Riccardo Vatelli at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Luciano Lago at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Mirko Preatoni at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Adam Bark at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Pierre Tonna at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Alexander Markovics at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Mikis Philaniotis at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Guy Mettan at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Andreas Andreopoulos at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Enrique Refoyo at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Alessandro Fanetti at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Francois Farafin Sandouno at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Luca Siniscalco at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Hanieh Tarkian at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- The European Conference on Multipolarity 04.09.2023
- Speech by Maria Zakharova at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Alexander Dugin's speech at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Rainaldo Graziani at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Rainaldo Graziani at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Stefano Vernole at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Giacomo Maria Prati at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Eliseo Bertolasi at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Maurizio Murelli at the European Conference on Multipolarity read by Maria Pacini
- Speech by Marco Ghisetti at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Lorenzo Nicola Roselli at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Riccardo Vatelli at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Luciano Lago at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Mirko Preatoni at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Adam Bark at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Pierre Tonna at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Alexander Markovics at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Mikis Philaniotis at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Guy Mettan at the European Conference on Multipolarity
- Speech by Andreas Andreopoulos at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Enrique Refoyo at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Alessandro Fanetti at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Francois Farafin Sandouno at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Luca Siniscalco at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023
- Speech by Hanieh Tarkian at the European Conference on Multipolarity, September 4th 2023